1、 第第 10 卷卷 国富论国富论 总目录总目录 百年哈佛 50 部经典 英文版 Harvard Classics 第 10 卷 国富论 2/624 第第 1 卷卷 富兰克林自传富兰克林自传 第第 2 卷卷 柏拉图对话录：辩解篇、菲多柏拉图对话录：辩解篇、菲多篇、克利多篇篇、克利多篇 第第 3 卷卷 培根论说文集及新阿特兰蒂斯培根论说文集及新阿特兰蒂斯 第第 4 卷卷 约翰米尔顿英文诗全集约翰米尔顿英文诗全集 第第 5 卷卷 爱默生文集爱默生文集 第第 6 卷卷 伯恩斯诗歌集伯恩斯诗歌集 第第 7 卷卷 圣奥古斯丁忏悔录圣奥古斯丁忏悔录 第第 8 卷卷 希腊戏剧希腊戏剧 第第 9 卷卷 论友谊、
2、论老年及书信集论友谊、论老年及书信集 第第 10 卷卷 国富论国富论 第第 11 卷卷 物种起源论物种起源论 第第 12 卷卷 普卢塔克比较列传普卢塔克比较列传 第第 13 卷卷 伊尼亚德伊尼亚德 第第 14 卷卷 唐吉坷德唐吉坷德 第第 15 卷卷 天路历程天路历程 第第 16 卷卷 天方夜谭天方夜谭 百年哈佛 50 部经典 英文版 Harvard Classics 第 10 卷 国富论 3/624 第第 17 卷卷 民间传说与预言民间传说与预言 第第 18 卷卷 英国现代戏剧英国现代戏剧 第第 19 卷卷 浮士德浮士德 第第 20 卷卷 神曲神曲 第第 21 卷卷 许婚的爱人许婚的爱人 第
3、第 22 卷卷 奥德赛奥德赛 第第 23 卷卷 两年水手生涯两年水手生涯 第第 24 卷卷 伯克文集伯克文集 第第 25 卷卷 穆勒文集穆勒文集 第第 26 卷卷 欧洲大陆戏剧欧洲大陆戏剧 第第 27 卷卷 英国名家随笔英国名家随笔 第第 28 卷卷 英国与美国名家随笔英国与美国名家随笔 第第 29 卷卷 比格尔号上的旅行比格尔号上的旅行 第第 30 卷卷 科学论文集：物理学、化学、科学论文集：物理学、化学、天文学、地质学天文学、地质学 第第 31 卷卷 切利尼自传切利尼自传 第第 32 卷卷 文学和哲学名家随笔文学和哲学名家随笔 百年哈佛 50 部经典 英文版 Harvard Classic
4、s 第 10 卷 国富论 4/624 第第33卷卷 古代与现代著名航海与旅行记古代与现代著名航海与旅行记 第第 34 卷卷 法国和英国著名哲学家法国和英国著名哲学家 第第 35 卷卷 见闻与传奇见闻与传奇 第第 36 卷卷 君王论君王论 第第 37 卷卷 17、18 世纪英国著名哲学家世纪英国著名哲学家 第第 38 卷卷 物理学、医学、外科学和地质物理学、医学、外科学和地质学学 第第 39 卷卷 著名之前言和序言著名之前言和序言 第第 40 卷卷 英文诗集（卷）从乔叟到格英文诗集（卷）从乔叟到格雷雷 第第 41 卷卷 英文诗集（卷）从科林斯到英文诗集（卷）从科林斯到费兹杰拉德费兹杰拉德 第第
5、42 卷卷 英文诗集（卷）从丁尼生到英文诗集（卷）从丁尼生到惠特曼惠特曼 第第 43 卷卷 10001904 第第 44 卷卷 圣书圣书(卷一卷一):孔子孔子 希伯来书希伯来书 基基督圣经督圣经()第第 45 卷卷 圣书圣书(卷二卷二)基督圣经基督圣经()百年哈佛 50 部经典 英文版 Harvard Classics 第 10 卷 国富论 5/624 第第 46 卷卷 伊丽莎白时期戏剧（卷）伊丽莎白时期戏剧（卷）第第 47 卷卷 伊丽莎白时期戏剧（卷）伊丽莎白时期戏剧（卷）第第 48 卷卷 帕斯卡文集帕斯卡文集 第第 49 卷卷 史诗与传说史诗与传说 第第 50 卷卷 哈佛经典讲座哈佛经典讲
6、座 百年哈佛 50 部经典 英文版 Harvard Classics 第 10 卷 国富论 6/624 第第 10 卷卷 国富论国富论 INTRODUCTORY NOTE ADAM SMITH,political economist and moral philosopher,was born in Kirkcaldy,Scotland,June 5,1723.His father,a lawyer and customs official,died before the birth of his son,who was brought up through a delicate childh
7、ood by his mother.At fourteen he was sent to the University of Glasgow,where he came under the influence of Francis Hutcheson,and in 1740 he went up to Oxford as Snell exhibitioner at Balliol College,remaining there till 1746.After leaving Oxford,he gave lectures upon English Literature and Economic
8、s,and in 1751 became professor of logic,and in 1752 of moral philosophy,at Glasgow.The reputation won by his lectures was increased by the publication,in 1759,of his“Theory of the Moral Sentiments,”one result of which was his appointment as travelling tutor to the third Duke of Buccleuch.In this cap
9、acity he spent nearly three years in France,and made the acquaintance of many of the intellectual leaders of that country.Returning to Britain in the end of 1766,he lived chiefly in Kirkcaldy and London,working upon his“Wealth of Nations,”which was finally published in 1776.It met with immediate suc
10、cess,and in a few years had taken an authoritative place with both philosophers and men of affairs.In the following year Smith was appointed a Commissioner of Customs,and took a house in Edinburgh,where he lived quietly and at ease till his death on July 17,1790.Political economy had been studied lo
11、ng before Adam Smith,but the“Wealth of Nations”may be said to constitute it for the first time as a separate science.The work was based upon a vast historical knowledge,and its principles were worked out with remarkable sanity as well as ingenuity,and skilfully illuminated by apt illustrations.In sp
12、ite of more than a century of speculation,criticism,and the amassing of new facts and 百年哈佛 50 部经典 英文版 Harvard Classics 第 10 卷 国富论 7/624 fresh experience,the work still stands as the best all-round statement and defence of some of the fundamental principles of the science of economics.The most notabl
13、e feature of the teaching of the“Wealth of Nations,”from the point of view of its divergence from previous economic thought as well as of its subsequent influence,is the statement of the doctrine of natural liberty.Smith believed that“mans self-interest is Gods providence,”and held that if governmen
14、t abstained from interfering with free competition,industrial problems would work themselves out and the practical maximum of efficiency would be reached.This same doctrine was applied to international relations,and Smiths working out of it here is the classical statement of the argument for free tr
15、ade.In its original form the book contained a considerable number of digressions and illustrations which the progress of knowledge and of industrial civilization have shown to be inaccurate or useless,and of these the present edition has been unburdened.This process,while greatly increasing the inte
16、rest and readableness of the book,has left intact Smiths main argument,which is here offered to the reader as admittedly the best foundation for the study of political economy.INIRODUCTION AND PLAN OF THE WORK THE annual labour of every nation is the fund which originally supplies it with all the ne
17、cessaries and conveniencies of life which it annually consumes,and which consist always either in the immediate produce of that labour,or in what is purchased with that produce from other nations.According therefore,as this produce,or what is purchased with it,bears a greater or smaller proportion t
18、o the number of those who are to consume it,the nation will be better or worse supplied with all the necessaries and conveniencies for which it has occasion.But this proportion must in every nation be regulated by two 百年哈佛 50 部经典 英文版 Harvard Classics 第 10 卷 国富论 8/624 different circumstances;first,by
19、 the skill,dexterity,and judgment with which its labour is generally applied;and,secondly,by the proportion between the number of those who are employed in useful labour,and that of those who are not so employed.Whatever be the soil,climate,or extent of territory of any particular nation,the abundan
20、ce or scantiness of its annual supply must,in that particular situation,depend upon those two circumstances.The abundance or scantiness of this supply too seems to depend more upon the former of those two circumstances than upon the latter.Among the savage nations of hunters and fishers,every indivi
21、dual who is able to work,is more or less employed in useful labour,and endeavours to provide,as well as he can,the necessaries and conveniencies,of life,for himself,or such of his family or tribe as are either too old,or too young,or too infirm to go a hunting and fishing.Such nations,however,are so
22、 miserably poor that,from mere want,they are frequently reduced,or,at least,think themselves reduced,to the necessity sometimes of directly destroying,and sometimes of abandoning their infants,their old people,and those afflicted with lingering diseases,to perish with hunger,or to be devoured by wil
23、d beasts.Among civilized and thriving nations,on the contrary,though a great number of people do not labour at all,many of whom consume the produce of ten times,frequently of a hundred times more labour than the greater part of those who work;yet the produce of the whole labour of the society is so
24、great,that all are often abundantly supplied,and a workman,even of the lowest and poorest order,if he is frugal and industrious,may enjoy a greater share of the necessaries and conveniencies of life than it is possible for any savage to acquire.The causes of this improvement,in the productive powers
25、 of labour,and the order,according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society,make the subject of the First Book of this Inquiry.百年哈佛 50 部经典 英文版 Harvard Classics 第 10 卷 国富论 9/624 Whatever be the actual state of the skill,dexterity,and
26、 judgment with which labour is applied in any nation,the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must depend,during the continuance of that state,upon the proportion between the number of those who are annually employed in useful labour,and of those who are not so employed.The number of useful
27、and productive labourers,it will hereafter appear,is every where in proportion to the quantity of capital stock which is employed in setting them to work and to the particular way in which it is so employed.The Second Book,therefore,treats of the nature of capital stock,of the manner in which it is
28、gradually accumulated,and of the different quantities of labour which it puts into motion,according to the different ways in which it is employed.Nations tolerably well advanced as to skill,dexterity,and judgment,in the application of labour,have followed very different plans in the general conduct
29、or direction of it;and those plans have not all been equally favourable to the greatness of its produce.The policy of some nations has given extraordinary encouragement to the industry of the country;that of others to the industry of towns.Scarce any nation has dealt equally and impartially with eve
30、ry sort of industry.Since the downfall of the Roman empire,the policy of Europe has been more favourable to arts,manufactuses,and commerce,the industry of towns;than to agriculture,the industry of the country.The circumstances which seem to have introduced and established this policy are explained i
31、n the Third Book.Though those different plans were,perhaps,first introduced by the private interests and prejudices of particular orders of men,without any regard to,or foresight of,their consequences upon the general welfare of the society;yet they have given occasion to very different theories of
32、political conomy;of which some magnify the importance of that industry which is carried on in towns,others of that which is carried on in 百年哈佛 50 部经典 英文版 Harvard Classics 第 10 卷 国富论 10/624 the country.Those theories have had a considerable influence,not only upon the opinions of men of learning,but
33、upon the public conduct of princes and sovereign states.I have endeavoured,in the Fourth Book,to explain,as fully and distinctly as I can,those different theories,and the principal effects which they have produced in different ages and nations.To explain in what has consisted the revenue of the grea
34、t body of the people,or what has been the nature of those funds,which,in different ages and nations,have supplied their annual consumption,is the object of these Four first Books.The Fifth and last Book treats of the revenue of the sovereign,or commonwealth.In this book I have endeavoured to show;fi
35、rst,what are the necessary expences of the sovereign,or commonwealth;which of those expences ought to be defrayed by the general contribution of the whole society;and which of them,by that of some particular part only,or of some particular members of it:secondly,what are the different methods in whi
36、ch the whole society may be made to contribute towards defraying the expences incumbent on the whole society,and what are the principal advantages and inconveniencies of each of those methods:and,thirdly and lastly,what are the reasons and causes which have induced almost all modern governments to m
37、ortgage some part of this revenue,or to contract debts,and what have been the effects of those debts upon the real wealth,the annual produce of the land and labour of the society.BOOK I AN INQUIRY INTO THE NATURE AND CAUSES OF THE WEALTH OF NATIONS OF THE CAUSES OF IMPROVEMENT IN THE PRODUCTIVE POWE
38、R OF LABOUR AND OF THE ORDER ACCORDING TO WHICH ITS PRODUCE IS NATURALLY DISTRIBUTED AMONG THE DIFFERENT RANKS OF THE PEOPLE.CHAPTER I OF THE DIVISION OF LABOUR THE greatest improvement in the productive powers of labour,and the greater part of the skill,dexterity,and judgment with which it is any 百
39、年哈佛 50 部经典 英文版 Harvard Classics 第 10 卷 国富论 11/624 where directed,or applied,seem to have been the effects of the division of labour.The effects of the division of labour,in the general business of society,will be more easily understood,by considering in what manner it operates in some particular man
40、ufactures.It is commonly supposed to be carried furthest in some very trifling ones;not perhaps that it really is carried further in them than in others of more importance:but in those trifling manufactures which are destined to supply the small wants of but a small number of people,the whole number
41、 of workmen must necessarily be small;and those employed in every different branch of the work can often be collected into the same workhouse,and placed at once under the view of the spectator.In those great manufactures,on the contrary,which are destined to supply the great wants of the great body
42、of the people,every different branch of the work employs so great a number of workmen,that it is impossible to collect them all into the same workhouse.We can seldom see more,at one time,than those employed in one single branch.Though in such manufactures,therefore,the work may really be divided int
43、o a much greater number of parts,than in those of a more trifling nature,the division is not near so obvious,and has accordingly been much less observed.To take an example,therefore,from a very trifling manufacture;but one in which the division of labour has been very often taken notice of,the trade
44、 of the pin-maker;a workman not educated to this business(which the division of labour has rendered a distinct trade),nor acquainted with the use of the machinery employed in it(to the invention of which the same division of labour has probably given occasion),could scarce,perhaps,with his utmost in
45、dustry,make one pin in a day,and certainly could not make twenty.But in the way in which this business is now carried on,not only the whole work is a peculiar trade,but it is 百年哈佛 50 部经典 英文版 Harvard Classics 第 10 卷 国富论 12/624 divided into a number of branches,of which the greater part are likewise p
46、eculiar trades.One man draws out the wire,another straights it,a third cuts it,a fourth points it,a fifth grinds it at the top for receiving the head;to make the head requires two or three distinct operations;toput it on,is a peculiar business,to whiten the pins is another;it is even a trade by itse
47、lf to put them into the paper;and the important business of making a pin is,in this manner,divided into about eighteen distinct operations,which,in some manufactories,are all performed by distinct hands,though in others the same man will sometimes perform two or three of them.I have seen a small man
48、ufactory of this kind where ten men only were employed,and where some of them consequently performed two or three distinct operations.But though they were very poor,and therefore but indifferently accommodated with the necessary machinery,they could,when they exerted themselves,make among them about
49、 twelve pounds of pins in a day.There are in a pound upwards of four thousand pins of a middling size.Those ten persons,therefore,could make among them upwards of forty-eight thousand pins in a day.Each person,therefore,making a tenth part of forty-eight thousand pins,might be considered as making f
50、our thousand eight hundred pins in a day.But if they had all wrought separately and independently,and without any of them having been educated to this peculiar business,they certainly could not each of them have made twenty,perhaps not one pin in a day;that is certainly,not the two hundred and forti
